Global Feminist Politics Concerning Media, ICTs: Past Lessons and Present Challenges

by Heike Jensen

From the very first women’s conference held by the United Nations more than 30 years ago,1 media issues have played an important role in global feminist politics. With differing frameworks and shifting emphases, the three prime areas of concern up until recently have been (1) media content, (2) infrastructure and access to a diversity of media, and (3) education, training, jobs and decision-making in media organisations. In what follows, I would like to briefly outline how these issues have been addressed and met, and what new challenges have been created with the current development and spread of information and communication technologies (ICTs). My argument is that feminist politics have arrived at a crossroads where older concepts of the issues and of the political settings no longer seem to work and where new concepts have not yet developed to a useful degree. In particular, the roles and significance of the private sector need to reappraised.

Looking back, the political issues regarding media and ICTs that have successfully been brought to the agendas of the world conferences on women may be summarised as follows:²

(1) Concerning media and ICT content, the recurring demands have been:

• to abolish stereotyped depictions of men and women and pornography;
• to create positive, diverse and plentiful portrayals of women;
• to have a broad dissemination of information about women’s rights; and
• to achieve a general orientation of the media and ICTs towards values such as peace, respect and non-discrimination.

(2) Concerning infrastructure, the most pressing concerns have been:

• to provide all women with access to the media and ICTs they wish to use; and
• develop communications and information networks that benefit women.

(3) And concerning education, training and career development, the prime issues have been:

• to educate girls and women in the use of media and ICTs;
• train more women in the mass to communication and ICT sectors; and
• bring women into decision-making to positions in the respective business and governmental institutions.

If we try to assess how far these demands have been met, we arrive at a sobering view. In terms of content, the mass media have not become public resources or public service providers towards gender equality. Of course, there have been major shifts in the time span under consideration, most notably the collapse of the communist block and a transformation of many state-run mass media into privately run businesses. However, and not surprisingly, the profit motif has not worked to women’s advantage in terms of content. This was clear from the outset, when feminist media criticism across the different national setups of western, communist and southern nations and their respective media structures turned out to share many concerns.

The North’s commercial media created unidirectional media flows to the South, which were experienced and criticised as neo-imperialist, potentially drowning out cultural and linguistic diversity and the local articulations of people in the South.3 Such stereotyping and unidirectional media flows held a particular problem for women in the South, which related to international politics including development cooperation. In the history of the latter, a series of stereotypes of southern women have been generated and laboriously contested, from Women in Development (WID) to Women and Development (WAD) to Gender and Development (GAD). At issue in these approaches have been how women in the South have (stereotypically) been imagined and what roles and options they have been assigned or have been able to claim in the respective development schemes.⁴

Regarding commercial media, it is instructive to take note of the peculiar framing of “freedom of expression” that was introduced in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action of 1995. There, the term was used as a qualifier, in the sense that almost all calls for a revision of media content and new guidelines for content were framed as “to the extent consistent with freedom of expression”.

Freedom of expression here worked as a shield against content or programming obligations that could potentially be imposed by states. While the concept obviously protected mass media institutions from being turned into mouthpieces of state propaganda, this context became a tool for them to block public service obligations and to override women’s right to respectful representation. Even the existing public service obligations and multi-stakeholder regulatory bodies for private media, and multi-stakeholder regulatory bodies for public media have not profited women to a significant extent, because women have been seen as just one more homogeneous and marginal interest group or stakeholder group among many.⁵ Only the non-profit community media have demonstrated the utility of mass media for public services including gender-sensitive services, even though these media have been marginalised by commercial mass media and the agendas they set.

And what about ICTs, which do not operate along the lines of classic mass media amplifying the voices of the few (professional journalists and editors) to the many, but which bring the voices of the many (bloggers, twitterers, website operators) to the many? How have the feminist demands directed to ICTs fared ? After all, these featured prominently on the global women's agenda in Beijing, being at length dealt with in Section J “Women and the Media” of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.⁶

While content may well be argued to be more diverse on the web than in the mass media, the anchoring of the operations in business arguably is not. The big platform and services providers (Facebook, Twitter, Google, etc.) may operate free of charge to the end users, but they are commercial enterprises that finance themselves like the mass media. They are in the business of helping their advertising clients identify potential customers. Classic mass media such as magazines have created – and heavily researched – their distinctive audience groups through their editorial content and have sold advertisers access to these groups in the pages of their magazines. “Selling audiences” has required thorough research into their demographic and social make up, done so that advertisers would know exactly who they would be able to reach through the media in question.

The big Web 2.0 providers do almost the same. They cultivate their audiences (of the advertisements) not through content but through platforms and functionalities. Since their platforms have – almost by definition – become sites where the audiences express themselves, their research consists more in the aggregation of the huge amounts of user data than in compiling the data in the first place. The advertisement may take the mass mediated forms of banners or hyperlinks as well as the more personal form of emails. And often, advertisement messages are gender stereotyped in the ICT context in the same it is in mass media as they are largely generated by the same companies in both contexts.

While the user-generated content may be more diverse than that encountered in mass media, it is important to remember that there are still significant digital divides, leading to an unmistakable predominance of socio-economically privileged voices and their inevitable blind spots. So it would in effect be instructive to look more closely into the overlaps and the divergences between traditional mass media and Web 2.0 interactions, paying particular attention to consumption-based lifestyles. For instance, looking at girls and young women, it would be interesting to see whether the distinct mass media markets revolving around fashion, love and homemaking, and celebrities in any way relate to the content produced by their target groups on Web 2.0 platforms. A possible continuity could be the creation of community and a sense of belonging around consumption-based exchanges. A similar setup might be at work with respect to boys and young men in the area of technological leisure equipment. Again, many specialty magazines cater to these “geek” and “high end” technology user groups, and I would expect such communities to form in the online world as well.

Of course, much early research into ICTs and gender has stressed that gender swapping and other exploratory engagements with gender have been undertaken via ICTs.⁷ But analogously, in the offline world, particular male readers may have favored magazines focused on royal families and specific female readers may have bought magazines on high-end stereo sound equipment, thus similarly subverting their gender roles through their reading and consumption habits.⁷⁸ My argument here is that it might be misleading to look at such practices without looking at the underlying business models that are still perpetuated by them. These models might, in the end, consolidate deep social injustices, including reactionary gender orders, even while lending themselves to subversions by the users on the surface.

Harnessing Rural Women’s Participation in ICT Growth and Globalisation in Kenya
by Irene Nyambura Mwangi, World Youth Alliance Africa, Nairobi Kenya

ICTs such as the mobile phone and Web 2.0; online tools such as email, blogs, podcasts, and social networking websites; as well as online videos have brought in new ways of communicating issues of human rights, empowerment and development to many people in Africa.

Yet as is common with new developments, there is an equally daunting rise in new threats to women’s rights and pervasion of gender violence through such ICTs. This is especially relevant in terms of the internet, which is readily available and accessible through mobile phones- even in areas that were previously thought to be unreachable. Such threats include the prevalence of pornography and a rise in human trafficking, which target poor women from developing countries.

The gap between the users and beneficiaries of ICTs has widened at magnified rates and unless major and urgent interventions are sought, the effects will be detrimental to the development process and women's rights in Africa. Thus, there is a need to strengthen partnerships between government bodies, NGOs and the private sector at regional, national and local levels towards revisiting existing responses, as well as creating new initiatives that work towards empowering women.

A concrete example is how mobile technology has greatly contributed to women’s participation in development. Mobile banking has enabled small-scale businesspersons in most rural areas to access bank procedures such as withdrawals, savings and even easier credit facilities, all from their mobile phones. This has enabled a population that was previously invisible to many banks to become one of the most sought after populations by micro-finance institutions. A good example of this is Mpesa. Mpesa is a mobile banking facility initiated by Safricom, a mobile operator in Kenya in partnership with Equity Bank, a local micro-finance bank. Mpasa enables users to make withdrawals and deposits from their mobile phones, an initiative that has helped many small-scale business in remote areas where there are no banking networks.

Another example is how mobile technology has harnessed women's participation in the electoral process in emerging democracies in the continent where they have often been marginalised and excluded. With mobile phone technology, civil society in many parts of Africa have actively trained women to send SMS text alerts on electoral malpractices and violence thereby actively engaging women as peace stewards. A good example of this is the Usha-hidi platform that was used in Kenya's elections. The platform encouraged the use of text messages by civilians to send out alerts on cases of electoral violence to a central hub that mapped the geographical locations of the areas and specific incidents on their website to parties working on elections and post-elections monitoring. The Ushahidi platform was widely used by civil societies and international bodies to help monitor and curb further violence after Kenya's disputed General Election in December 2007. Moreover, NGOs working to help rape victims-survivors during the violence at the time used the platform to send out much needed medication and post trauma counselling to women in very remote rural areas of Kenya.

Within the sphere of ICTs in general, and Web 2.0 in particular, it appears that an unprecedented global commercial dominance of a few companies has been created, which urgently needs to be addressed because it shifts the global political setups in the name of multistakeholderism, as we will see below.⁹ This is not to argue that the use of ICTs and the internet may not have truly beneficial effects for marginalised groups.¹⁰ However, it cannot really be argued that social injustices within and across countries have lessened in the last 20 years, while during this time period ICTs have completely revolutionised global business patterns, from the underlying financial structures and markets to the processes of organising production, distribution and services. This has been an issue of infrastructure development as well as one of job markets, which I will address in turn.

Under the neoliberal conditions that have prevailed during the time period of the internet’s growth and maturation, this development has been driven by businesses, or, at the most, by public-private partnerships uniting businesses and governmental agencies. Again, in terms of the feminist demands outlined above, a public service approach to infrastructure development has not been completely absent but has definitely taken a back seat to economic considerations and preferences. Gender-sensitive goals, on the other hand, seem to have never seriously entered the many different spheres and venues that have evolved globally for ICT regulation, irrespective of the fact that varying mixtures of stakeholder groups have been involved in them.

For instance, the Internet Corporation of Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) has shaped and coordinated the internet’s naming system and is also tasked with safeguarding the internet’s security, stability and interoperability.¹¹ ICANN is dominated by the business constituency, with governments and civil society included in subordinated positions. The International Telecommunication Union (ITU), on the other hand, is an intergovernmental organisation, with business in important support positions and civil society completely marginalised. The ITU is concerned with developing networks and services and with establishing the worldwide standards for the interconnection of communications systems. ¹² Finally, the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) operates with a multi-stakeholder setup that aims to give representatives from governments, the private sector and civil society a similar footing. Its task is to promote dialogue about and enhance knowledge of internet policy issues.13 So far, it seems that no matter the mix of stakeholder groups, gender justice and social justice have not primarily been pursued by any of these fora, even though the ITU and the IGF at least expressly reference their responsibility for development issues. Possibly, the normalised, matter-of-fact inclusion of business entities does much to preclude such considerations, even though it needs to be stressed that neither the majority of governmental representatives nor of civil society representatives squarely champion gender justice approaches. In any case, more feminist research and strategising is urgently needed to grapple with these new regulatory setups for internet governance. Gender advocacy in ICT policy, it needs to be noted, became a new focus of feminist intervention in the late 1990s. On the international plane, it was inaugurated in the context of the World Telecommunications Development Conference organised by the ITU in 1998.14 It spread to different regulatory bodies and scenarios, including the ones just mentioned, but in my experience, it has rested on few women who have been thoroughly marginalised in these scenarios and who have, moreover, been so overtasked that they have not managed to break too much ground in theorising the issues and institutions.¹⁵

Similar gaps can be found with respect to prime regulatory issues that most nations are currently debating and acting on, most notably digital censorship and surveillance. Again, feminist voices need to be heard more in these contexts, which have not formed central points on the feminist agenda up until now. Regarding censorship, the only long-standing feminist debate is the one on pornography, while media-based surveillance has to my knowledge never been discussed in depth by feminist movements. Quite understandably, media-based censorship and surveillance may have taken a backseat in feminist deliberations because most women have encountered censorship and surveillance much closer to home and in a much more direct and unmediated way (i.e. perpetrated by their husbands, families and neighbors). At this point in time, when digital media make it increasingly possible to circumvent direct social censorship and surveillance, feminists need to intervene in the internet governance settings that have been engaged to a growing degree in building the infrastructure and the legal conditions for massive kinds of digital censorship and surveillance.

This is also a matter of women in jobs, careers and decision-making positions in this field, the last point of continuous feminist concern that I would like to mention. It has been well-documented that over the years of their evolution, ICT jobs have fallen within the predominant pattern of discrimination against women in gainful employment, involving discrimination in terms of job choice and possibilities of entry, on-the-job treatment, retention and careers, remuneration and work-life balance, while the decision-making levels are dominated by men. The more the social and economic importance of ICTs grew, the clearer the segregation of women’s and men’s jobs in the respective industries became. This setup, true for the ICT core industries, also has been particularly visible in the transnational companies which have increasingly outsourced production, distribution and service components with the help of ICTs. Critical responses to these conditions of “globalisation” came not only from workers but also from consumers and service clients worldwide in attempts to use their choice as consumers politically by favoring employee-friendly companies.

From another angle, it needs to be stressed that of all the feminist demands voiced with respect to media and ICTs, the ones concerning education, training, jobs and careers are the ones that have most consistently been reiterated by policy makers. Nevertheless, within neoliberal frameworks, policy makers have mostly shied away from actually regulating commercial business environments along these lines. In terms of feminist demands, the demands for social justice and gender justice are equally important. If social justice is downplayed, it might lead to such a scenario that (the lucky few) privileged women and men have the equal chances of getting one of the good jobs, and (the unlucky many) discriminated women and men are equally likely to occupy a bad job. If gender justice and social justice work together, the goals would be to provide every woman and man with decent working conditions and to decrease the socioeconomic distances between good and bad jobs.

In sum, it seems that the fundamental tension at the root of the mass media that we found encapsulated in the struggle over freedom of expression remains unresolved and possibly even appears intensified – the tension between media and ICTs as commercial enterprises on the one hand and media and ICTs as potential public resources and public infrastructure or public service providers on the other. If regulation forcing media and ICTs in the latter direction is absent, market and profit considerations will prevail over democratising, balancing and developmental concerns. Women have much to lose in this scenario.

Therefore, one strategy would be to direct political engagement with ICT regulation issues more clearly at transnational businesses themselves. Regarding content, this engagement needs to be undertaken from the point of view of both audiences and producers of content. It needs to grapple with the profit mechanisms pursued by the big commercial players such as Facebook and Google, and it may also require that internet users reflect their leisure habits and possibly alter them to bring companies in line with baseline requirements. With respect to employment and business structures, this engagement needs to be elaborated not only from the vantage point of workers, but also of owners and consumers, paying particular attention to the joint propagation of gender justice and social justice. Lastly, concerning the public sphere and its infrastructure, this engagement needs to be shaped by citizens, in the broadest sense of the term. At the same time, alternative business models need to be developed which hold the potential to create and safeguard a rich public domain.¹⁶ But governments of course also need to be lobbied, as they set important standards in areas such as e-democracy and freedom of information, but also censorship and surveillance. While these tasks may appear daunting, leaving media and ICT regulation to the forces that be does not look like a promising alternative.

Dr. Heike Jensen is an independent researcher affiliated with the department of Gender Studies of Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany. Her research, publications and teaching concentrate on gender and feminist theory, women's movements and the United Nations, and global ICT politics and censorship

Endnotes:
1 The four world conferences on women up to date were held in Mexico City (1975), Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985) and Beijing (1995).
2 For an elaboration, please see my article “Women, Media and ICTs in UN Politics: Progress or Backlash?” in: Gender in the Information Society: Emerging Issues. Ed. Anita Gurumurthy, Parminder Jeet Singh, Anu Mundkur, Mridula Swamy. Bangkok, Thailand: UNDP-APDIP, New-Delhi, India: Elsevier, 2006. 3-14. Available at: http://www.apdip.net/publications/ict4d/GenderIS.pdf (accessed 22 September 2010).
3 These issues created a substantial controversy at UNESCO from 1975 to 1985 under the heading of the “New World Information and Communication Order”. The debate pitted developing countries primarily against the US, because the former wanted to curtail foreign media empires’ influx of information and entertainment and enable an articulation of their own cultural narratives and values. These issues have still not been resolved and more recently also entered into GATS and TRIPS negotiations.
4 See the anthology Feminism/Postmodernism/Development edited by Marianne H. Marchand and Jane L. Parpart (London, New York: Routledge, 1995). See in particular the article by Geeta Chowdhry “Engendering Development? Women in Development (WID) in international development regimes”, pp. 26-41. See also Caroline Moser: Gender Planning and Development: Theory, Practice and Training. New York, London: 1993. It is also useful to recall that representations of women function in complex ways, often additionally being made to stand for (the virtue of ) “one’s own” country and (the shortcomings of ) the “other” women and other countries.
5 A forceful testimony to the continued stereotyping and marginalization of women in the media around the world is provided by the Global Media Monitoring Project, which regularly compares the prominent news coverage on women and men. See www.globalmediamonitoring.org.
6 See Sally Burch and Irene Leon: “Directions for Women’s Advocacy on ICT: Putting New Technologies on the Gender Agenda.” Networking for Change: The APCWNSP’s First 8 Years. Philippines: APCWNSP, 2000. 31-47: p. 36.
7 As an example, see Sherry Turkle (1997): Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet. New York: Touchstone.
8 This is not to argue that on a personal level, such gender transgressions do not have their dynamics. See, for instance, Annalee Newitz and Charlie Anders (2006): She’s such a GEEK! Women Write about Science, Technology and Other Nerdy Stuff. Emeryville, CA: Seal.
9 As an aside, it may be remarked that such forms of business predominance could probably not even have been foreseen within the NWICO debate referred to above.
10 A crucial early example, followed by many others, was the uprising of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) in Chiapas, Mexico, in the mid-1990s, in which the leaders successfully used media strategies including the internet. See Jerry W. Knudson (1998): Rebellion in Chiapas: Insurrection by Internet and Public Relations. In: Media, Culture & Society 20:3. 507-518.
11 See its self-description at: http://www.icann.org/en/about/ (accessed 22 September 2010).
12 For this and its other areas of action, go to: http://www.itu.int/net/about/index.aspx (accessed 22 September 2010).
13 http://www.intgovforum.org/cms/aboutigf (accessed 22 September 2010).
14 See Nancy Hafkin: “Gender Issues in ICT Policy in Developing Countries: An Overview.” UN DAW Expert Group Meeting on “Information and communication technologies and their impact on and use as an instrument for the advancement and empowerment of women.” Seoul, Republic of Korea, 11 to 14 November 2002. (EGM/ICT/2002/EP.1, dated 25 October 2002), p.3. Available at: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/ict2002/reports/Paper-NHafkin.PDF
15 Having researched these scenarios for the past eight years myself and also having been involved in feminist lobbying and advocacy in several of them, I include myself in this criticism. My point here is that we are still very far from having reached any critical mass and any sustained and vibrant theoretical and political debate in these places.
16 Constituencies that have begun such a task are the ones responding to the stifling aspects of intellectual property rights by creating alternative legal concepts such as Creative Commons or Copyleft. Also, a public goods approach to infrastructure development has been forwarded, in which the already privileged users pay a kind of tax with which further constituencies may be connected.

The Use of ICTs by Domestic Workers and Domestic Worker Organisations

by Philippa Smales

Domestic workers, the single largest employment category for women in Asia, are largely not unionised, poorly paid, lack holiday pay, sick leave, days off, minimum hours, retirement benefits, occupational health and safety standards and are often subjected to harassment and exploitation. The fact that their work is isolated and rarely recognised by governments as “work” has made it extremely difficult to organise domestic workers and collectively progress their labour rights. As new information communication technology (ICT) becomes more accessible, organisations and unions have begun to tap into the potential of these modern forms of communication to mobilise and educate domestic workers.

The right to organise

Asia has more than 50 million migrant workers of which more than half are women, a large number of them domestic workers. Domestic work is under-paid with poor conditions, as they are rarely included in national labour laws and lack the legislative and collective protection other workers enjoy.¹ One of the major barriers to strengthening women

domestic worker rights and labour conditions is the restrictions and barriers to collective organising. The ability to form and join trade unions is a civil and political right recognised in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Freedom of association is also included in the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) recently proposed convention and recommendation on domestic workers.² Unions provide an important voice in policy and legislative debates, and are a major avenue for civic and political participation, but one that is rarely available to domestic workers. To deny workers the right to collective action is to deny them the opportunity to claim and advance their human rights.

Unlike work in factories or offices, domestic work is usually done in isolation and in the private sphere. The isolation of domestic workers is compounded by the fact that many of them are live-in, especially migrant workers. When the domestic worker lives in the place of employment, employers have the power to control the workers autonomy, mobility and communications with the outside world. The employer in most receiving countries routinely holds immigration documents and passports.³ Unlike in a factory, a shop or even a brothel, those who work in private household do not have other workers in which to gain information or support from. The lack of a common employer hinders domestic workers to organise and fight collectively for their rights. Domestic workers in their own country may be able to search for and contact those who may represent them, but for migrants, the language barriers alone may make this knowledge impossible to gain.

There are three basic levels of collective representation for women migrant domestic workers. The most basic level is an informal group, network or workers’ cooperative. These grassroots self-organised associations are the most common way for information sharing, education and for domestic workers to be linked to others in the area. Women tend to feel more confident in joining these grassroots groups, which tend to be socially or culturally based. They tend to meet irregularly and are based at a particular location such as at a park, church, playground, city landmark or outside of a school. In Singapore, for example, Filipino Domestic Workers tend to congregate in Lucky Plaza shopping mall complex, and in Hong Kong, Indonesian domestic workers spend their days off in Victoria Park. Their effectiveness and level of advocacy tends to depend on how well connected the associations are with more formal groups and support networks.

The second level is the informal unions and more structured organisations. These are common where domestic workers are restricted from forming or joining registered trade unions by national laws, such as in Taiwan. ⁴ These organisations tend to be more organised and connected to other services, NGOs and similar worker based organisations and will have offices with volunteers and maybe even some professional staff. The most structured level is the legally registered trade union, such as the Filipino Migrant Workers Union, the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union, and the Asian Domestic Workers Union, all in Hong Kong where laws permit migrant domestic workers to register unions. In other countries there are unfortunately quite few formed by and for domestic workers, but there are some that are formed by migrant workers engaged in more “formal” forms of work such as manufacturing, that allow membership of domestic workers. Even in these, membership levels are still low because of the isolated nature of domestic work and the traditionally male-orientated nature of unions.

Organising and the use of ICT

At all levels of organising, the isolation and physical control of domestic workers is the main barrier to participation. Organisations and unions have therefore begun to use technology to overcome the separation and isolation of domestic workers. While isolated physically, ICTs provide some opportunities to create virtual solidarity. Preliminary research by the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) has highlighted that ICTs allow migrant domestic worker unions to lobby governments of both countries of origin and destination, document abuse and inform the public of rights violations across national borders.⁵ Mobile phones, in particular, are a key part of communication for domestic worker organisations. They are extremely important for the grassroots self-organised associations to keep in touch with their members. As handsets and pre-paid subscriber identity module (SIM) cards became cheaply available, they also became accessible for migrant domestic workers who may be otherwise restricted in their communications to the outside world.

In 2008, there was an intensive campaign by Indonesian domestic worker organisations that lead to the withdrawal of the SE2258/2007 policy prohibiting domestic workers in Hong Kong to change employment agencies within the first two years of employment.⁶ This particular organising was achieved mostly through the use of mobile phones and was publicised on the internet through blogs and sites such as YouTube.⁷ The use of ICT in that case decreased the isolation and allowed for the effective organising and civil participation of domestic workers. Further research needs to be conducted to reveal the full extent to which ICT can be utilised in order for women to claim their labour rights.

The use of ICT in that case decreased the isolation and allowed for the effective organising and civil participation of domestic workers.

Concerns and Challenges

The main concern and challenge to organising domestic workers through the use of ICT, is the issue of control. As many employers control the domestic workers’ day to day lives, they are forced to hide their mobile phone usage. Employers dislike their domestic workers owning a mobile phone as they are concerned that it may distract them while they work. ⁸ Domestic workers protect their mobile phone usage through various methods, including only using the text function, keeping the mobile hidden and on silent and by restricting use to late at night.⁹ On the flip side, some employers encourage mobile phone use and may supply a phone. However, again the motive is control over their employee, as the phone is used as a way to track the movements of the domestic worker and to ensure that they are available at all times. Personal use of the mobile may be restricted and monitored. Employers are not the only ones controlling migrant domestic workers access to ICT, there are also reports of recruitment agencies confiscating mobile phones.¹⁰

One way to protect the use of mobile phones is to include into standard contracts the right of the domestic worker to possess and use a personal mobile phone as a part of their general right to outside communication. The low costs and availability of purchasing and topping up mobile phones in most countries has made basic mobile phones affordable to most migrant workers. Enforcing employers to supply mobile phones would potentially lead to increased restrictions of their use and in the employer using the phone as a monitoring method, as mentioned above.

In terms of internet usage, access and control is also an issue. Internet use on mobile phones is costly and requires more expensive technology. Where domestic workers are able to have internet use within the employers’ household, they may be monitored. Also employers may not allow them the time for internet use outside of the home, such as in cybercafés. In this case the right of the worker to a regular day off is crucial in their access to this technology.

As mobiles and other ICTs are utilised by migrant domestic worker organisations and unions to arrange protests and demonstration in the streets, such as in Hong Kong, governments also could see the technology use as a threat. As noted above, in many countries migrant workers and, also domestic workers, are not included in legislation that protect the right to organise. Therefore, rather than protecting mobile and internet use by migrant workers, the government could begin to restrict access to these technologies. For example, by limiting their availability, increasing the relatively low cost of pre-paid SIM cards and by monitoring blogs and activity on the internet. In some areas of Thailand, police regularly confiscate migrant workers mobile phones as they are considered a threat to security.¹¹

As ICT use by migrant domestic workers becomes more common place, it also becomes a crucial tool for strengthened participation in collective organisation, as a way for isolated workers to be engaged and mobilised. However, the challenges of control and access of women migrant domestic workers to ICT is a potential impediment that needs to be considered if women migrant domestic workers are to continue to utilise ICT in the future.

Philippa Smales is the intern programme officer for the Labour and Migration Programme at Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) and is currently beginning a one year research project on ICT use by women migrant domestic workers and their organisations. APWLD is Asia Pacific’s leading feminist, membership driven network. Its 180 members represent groups of diverse women from 25 countries in the region. For nearly 25 years APWLD has been empowering women to use law as an instrument of change for equality, justice, peace and development.

Endnotes:
1 Out of ten Asian countries, only three include domestic workers in their labour laws, and only one provides full labour protection to domestic workers, including migrant domestic workers. Philippa Smales, ‘United for Foreign Domestic Workers Rights (UFDWRs) The Right to Unite: A handbook on domestic workers rights in Asia, 'Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (forthcoming 2010)
2 ILO Proposed Recommendation Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers: 3. In taking measures to ensure that domestic workers enjoy freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining, Members should: (a) identify and eliminate any legislative or administrative restrictions or other obstacles to the right of domestic workers to establish their own organizations or to join the workers organizations of their choice, and to the right of organizations of domestic workers to join workers organizations, federations and confederations; (b) ensure the right of employers of domestic workers to establish and join organizations, federations and confederations of employers of their choosing; (c) take or support measures to strengthen the capacity of organizations of domestic workers to protect effectively the interests of their members. ILO, ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers Report IV(1)’ (August 2010) ILC.100/IV/1
3 Human Rights Watch, “Slow Reform: Protection of Migrant Domestic Workers in Asia and the Middle East,” 1-56432-625-X (April 2010): 9, 14.
4 Philippa Smales, ‘United for Foreign Domestic Workers Rights (UFDWRs) The Right to Unite: A handbook on domestic workers rights in Asia,’ Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (forthcoming 2010)
5 A one year research and advocacy project on the use of ICT by domestic workers and domestic worker organisations is currently being undertaken by Asia Pacific Forum for Women, Law and Development (APWLD), funded by IT for Change. For more information please contact This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
6 The policy contained in the Indonesian Consulate Letter of Order No. 2258/2007 addressed to the Association of Employment Agency in Hong Kong (APPIH). United Indonesians Against Overcharging (PILAR) and Indonesian Migrant Muslim Alliance (GAMMI), ‘Press release: Indonesian migrant claim victory over SE2258’ 23 February 2008
7 The are six videos on YouTube on the SE2258 rallies supplied by United Indonesians Against Overcharging (PILAR) in 2008, each has been viewed 230-450 times. Available from http://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=SE2258&aq=f
8 Sun, Hsiao-Li (Shirley). “Cellphone Usage and Everyday Resistance of Live-in Maids in Singapore” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Montreal Convention Center, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, Aug 11, 2006, p14.
9 Human Rights Watch, ‘Maid to Order: Ending Abuses Against Migrant Domestic Workers in Singapore’ (December 2005) Volume 17, No. 10 (C). Sun, Hsiao-Li (Shirley). “Cellphone Usage and Everyday Resistance of Live-in Maids in Singapore”, p15.
10 BBC News, ‘Filipina workers allege foul play’, July 29, 2009, available from http://www.theweek.co.om/disCon.aspx?Cval=2240. Maureen Hermitanio, ‘Running from Hell: The harrowing story of a Filipino migrant worker in war-torn Lebanon’ Bulatlat (2006) Vol. VI, No. 29, available from http://www.bulatlat.com/news/6-29/6-29-hell.htm.
11 “In Phang Nga and Ranong, decrees forbid migrants from using mobile phones and explicitly authorize government authorities to seize such phones on sight, while Phuket requires mobile phone usage to comply with an unspecified provincial security policy. ‘In Rayong and Surat Thani provinces, the provincial announcements use identical language stating that migrant workers are not permitted to use mobile phones because a mobile phone is not considered “a tool for work but instead is a tool that can convey information easily and quickly, which can impact national security.”’ Human Rights Watch. “From the Tiger to the Crocodile: Abuse of Migrant Workers in Thailand.” 1-56432-602-0 (February 2010), p32.

Filipina Lesbians Using Downelink to Forge their Identities and Communities

by Danicar Mariano

The way LGBTQs (Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transgenders, and Queers) use the internet gives insight into how people from marginalised communities use media to create communities that serve as countercultures to dominant culture. By linking together online, they are showing their solidarity and sense of imagined community with others like them. This helps facilitate a cultural exchange, and transfers useful information that may or may not be readily available in the heterosexist environments that surround them.

A recent survey in the States conducted by market research firm Harris Interactive suggests that gay and lesbian adults online today are among the most loyal and frequent blog readers and social network users – more so than their straight counterparts (Wauters, 2010). For instance, out of total respondents, nearly 73% or three-quarters of gay and lesbian adult respondents, can be found on Facebook, as compared to 65% of heterosexual adults. Also, 32% of gay and lesbian respondents report being members of MySpace, compared to 22% of heterosexuals. Consequently, Jeff Dawson, author of the book “Gay and Lesbian Online“believes that online personals and websites for LGBTQs are replacing bars or downtown clubs in the United States. He states that “Guys and gals who cruise clubs and bars for love or lust are staying home and cruising the Web.”

Could the Philippines be seeing a similar trend? If the popularity of Downelink is any indication, then it appears so.

What’s Downelink?

Downelink is a social networking site much like Facebook or MySpace; but what sets it apart from other social networking sites is that it caters specifically to LGBTQs. Downelink began in Sunnydale, California. Its original founders are party organisers and LGBTQ advocates.

Recently, the site was bought by Logo, an MTV network subsidary catering to the LGBTQ community — most likely because it wishes to tap into its market, which has more than 485, 226 LGBTQ users. It is reported that 72% of Downelink users are Latino, African American, and/or Asian.

Downelink is also extremly popular among Filipina lesbians; so much so, that urbandictionary. com defines the word “Downe” as:

One reason for the definition can undoubtedly be attributed to the popularity of Downelink amoung Filipina lesbians in diaspora. Indeed, Downelink’s proliferation and popularity in the Philippines can very likely be traced to Filipino/a American LGBTQ users and the relationships they have or forged with LGBTQ persons back in the Philippines.

Upon signing up, aside from the usual questions about personal information, there is a portion that asks one’s sexual orientation and gives the following options: gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, bicurious, queer, or “downe.” Thus, even with users hiding their actual name, Downelink provides many LGBTQs the opportunity to come out, categorise themselves as non-straight or at the very least – should they choose to skip answering it – reflect on the categories. Moreover, the category of “downe” allows them to define themselves as LGBTQ in a subtle, non-threatening and non-politicised way.

Downelink is a social networking site much like Facebook or MySpace; but what sets it apart from other social networking sites is that it caters specifically to LGBTQs.

Moreover, I observed that on average, most Filipina lesbians would have around 100 - 200 “friends” linked to them with active users getting at least two invites daily. This demonstrates the website’s appeal to a wide market. For many Filipina lesbians, Downelink.com is a space where they can meet other Filipina lesbians and interact with them online in a way that was never quite possible before.

Why Downelink?

I did a cyber ethnography of Downelink by observing the profiles of its users from 2006 - 2007as well as interviewed avid users of the site about why they maintain their accounts. The responses from participants varied. One respondent, a closeted lesbian, said that Downelink provides assurance that only fellow LGBTQs will get to view the blog, whether or not this is actually true. Another respondent said that she feels, “...much more freedom here than on other sites.” Similarly, a Filipina lesbian activist, remarked that she posts blogs in Downelink because it could be read by like- minded women who “get the point right away.” She also believes the site is more private and apt for LGBTQ interests.

Some respondents also explained that unlike expensive bars, which are inconvenient to go to, Downelink is free and literally at the tip of one’s fingertips. Moreover, lesbian events or “women’s exclusive parties,” often start very late making it difficult for young Filipinas who have restrictive curfews to attend them. In contrast, Downelink is convenient and can be accessed at any given time of the day. More importantly, it is much less risky than being seen in bar, especially for people who remain closeted.

The Couple's Page

Having looked at over 200 profiles at Downelink. com, a common theme that may be observed is the inclination of Filipina lesbians to create what I call a “couple’s page,” owned and maintained by both partners, and are usually peppered with their photos. In a joint page, partners can choose to declare their relationship status as married and can openly declare love and devotion to one another in each other’s testimonials, which are often followed by supportive comments from other lesbians.

In my view, couples create a page together for 2 reasons. First, it is likely that the users want to declare how crucial their partner is to both of their identity construction. It is also a way to show how proud one is of the relationship, especially in Philippine society where lesbian relationships are often ignored, if not shunned. I believe that the capacity to choose marriage as the relationship status on ones’ page also serves a crucial function for lesbians, who, though denied of the possibility of any conventional marriage, can reveal their level of commitment. Two respondents, for instance, have taken to calling each other “wife” after they’ve indicated their status as married. In other words, Downelink’s status option could potentially validate lesbian relationships, making it visible and deserving of acknowledgment – a key function of matrimony.

Another possible explanation for the prevalence of couples page’s is that it could be used to assuage the jealousy of ones’ partner, somewhat serving as proof that ones’ profile will not be used to hook-up with another. Since having a single status in Downelink generally means that one is available, it is necessary for coupled lesbians to show that they are only there for friends. Often, other lesbians also soothe this fear by showing that they, too, acknowledge the relationship.

Butch-Femme Dynamics

The couples page phenomenon appears to replicate the dynamics one would see in lesbian bars or exclusive parties where women would often be seen hand in hand with their partner or in a group. Since femmes (or feminine looking lesbians) are sometimes invisible to Filipino society, which often only considers butches (or masculine looking lesbians) as the real lesbians, their sexual orientation is only revealed by being with a butch either one-on-one or in a group. Downelink, however, provides an opportunity for femmes to be acknowledged and labeled as “real lesbians,” on their own by flagging themselves as lesbian in their profile.

Downelink offers Filipinas the opportunity to either subscribe to or rebel against the butch-femme dynamics. This is because the site offers a vast potential for interaction with greater opportunities for self-fashioning, making Filipinas reflect if they identify as butch or femme, refuse to identify with it, or at least ask what this means. Others resist labels by writing their own description of themselves. One profile emphasizes, “Stop asking if I’m butch or femme okay. I am neither.” On the other hand, some take the opportunity to declare how, even though they accept the general category of “lesbian” as a label, this label does not necessarily categorise them neatly.

Philippine party and events organisers that target the lesbian community are also taking advantage of Downelink’s popularity by posting their events on Downelink’s Bulletin Board, or sending private messages to people

Although butch-femme dynamics are very much alive in Downelink, there is a growing self-reflexivity about it. In a blog on Downelink, one Filipina defends her preference for butch girls when asked by her friend “Why can’t you just go for a real man?” In response, she emphasizes, “because even if she’s really butch... she’s still a woman!” This highly enlightened articulation separates the notion of sex from gender with the blogger distinguishing biology from the performance of identity. For example, even if she’s butch (her performance of gender), she’s still a woman (her sex). Indeed, the script reveals a growing awareness of the fluidity of gender.

Party Organisers Use Downelink to Reach their Market

Philippine party and events organisers that target the lesbian community are also taking advantage of Downelink’s popularity by posting their events on Downelink’s Bulletin Board, or sending private messages to people. A marketing assistant for a lesbian party organiser said they usually expect around 500 - 600 people to attend the bigger parties, especially if it has been advertised for quite some time.

These parties can either be seen as empowering or problematic. Some parties organised through Downelink feature scantily clad sexy dancers which brings to light the issue of the objectification of women’s bodies. Furthermore, some of the parties perpetuate the butch-femme dynamics with the strippers asking butches to dance with them. The dancers are also often less well off than the lesbians that watch them, as proven by the 250 - 450 Philippine pesos (around 5 - 10 US dollars) fee at the entrance. This raises the issue of the internet increasing people’s capacity to objectify women, which now is not just open to men, but available to women as well. This is reflected by the reality that respondents from Downelink emphasize that putting swimsuit photos of yourself on your profile not only attracts more invites but lewd comments from fellow women.

All these politically incorrect practices in Downelink compel some Filipina lesbian activists to shun the site, asserting that the lesbians there have no political consciousness. This is reminiscent of the divide that plagued the Philippine lesbian community, even before the rise of the internet. Philippine lesbian activists would sometimes sneer at bar going lesbians, labeling them as “capitalists who do nothing to change the system.”

Outreach and Advocacy in Downelink

Although commercial lesbian parties or “women’s exclusives” problematise whether Downelink and the gatherings it helps promote facilitate true women’s empowerment, Task Force Pride, the group that organises the Annual Pride Marches in the country, is appropriating the popularity of these gatherings-using them to promote fund raising parties for the Pride March. Party organisers in Downelink have also sponsored socially-oriented causes in the past. For example, Lez Pinay offered a free livelihood and crafts-making seminar for underprivileged lesbians, publicised through the site. Another example is was the organising of an L word benefit for breast cancer in 2006. Aside from parties, discussion and meet-up groups are promoted using Downelink’s bulletin boards. An example of this is the “Dyke Dialogues”, a discussion on gender identification and relationship dynamics and how these issues determine the Philippine LGBTQ advocacy landscape.

Lesbian groups involved in social and political advocacy are also visible on Downelink. Lunduyan ng Sining (or Sanctuary of Art), for instance, is a lesbian cultural and artistic group. They launch cultural projects that feature lesbian performers and writers using Downelink. Ang Ladlad, the LGBTQ political party, gets occasional messages of support and approval as well as regular friend invites from the site. Rainbow Rights Project, an academic think tank and a legal resource center, also has a profile on the site. The presence of these groups on the site show that Downelink not only serves personal functions, but political ones as well.

Conclusion: Claiming Spaces of their Own

Downelink creates a perceived climate of safety and space for Filipina lesbians, giving them an avenue to connect and share experiences with like-minded women. While some lesbians choose to remain anonymous, Downelink, at the very least, compels them to question and reflect on their sexual orientation. For many, this provides their first foray out of the closet. Filipinas are also using Downelink to shape their identities. In Philippine society where femmes are often not considered “real lesbians”, it provides femmes space to define their sexuality apart from their butch partners, if they even choose to conform to butch-femme roles. The Downelink interface also gives them an opportunity to articulate and perhaps even reflect on the differences between sex and gender. Downelink also enables Filipinas to mingle and meet like-minded women apart from their usual cliques and circles, both online and in the flesh. Downelink facilitates the creation of an online community which becomes tangible through parties, discussions, cultural events and pride marches announced and publicised through the site.

Danicar Mariano is currently an Asia Research Institute Scholar for a PhD in Geography from the National University of Singapore. She has MA in Asia Pacific Studies from the University of San Francisco and holds both an undergraduate and MA degree in Literary and Cultural Studies from the Ateneo de Manila University in the Philippines.

Sources:
Bell, David and Barbara Kennedy, eds. 2000. The Cybercultures Reader. New York: Routledge.
Berry, Chris, Fran Martin and Audrey Yue. 2003. Mobile Cultures: New Media in Queer Asia. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
Cherny, Lynn and Elizabeth Reiba Weise, eds. Wired_Women: Gender and New Realities in Cyberspace. Seattle: Seal Press: 1996.
Dawson, Jeff. Gay and Lesbian Online: More than 4,000 websites—from bears to lesbian chic and circuit parties to domestic partnership. 5th Edition. California: Advocate Books. 2003
Hardcourt, Wendy ed. Women@internet: Creating new cultures in Cyberspace. Zed Books: London and New York. 1999
Roy, Sandip. "From Khush List to Gay Bombay: Virtual Webs of Real People," in Mobile Cultures: New Media in Queer Asia. Edited by Chris, Berry, Fran Martin and Audrey Yue. Durham and London: Duke University Press. 2003.
“Thoughts on Downelink.” (accessed October 27, 2007).

Violence Against Women (VAW) in the Digital World: Emerging Issues, Challenges and Opportunities

by Lenlen Messina

VAW and ICTs in the Philippines

Violence against women in the Philippines is considered a public crime. Because it happens both in the private and public sphere of women’s lives, it is recognised to be a crime against humanity and not merely a crime against a person. Though the number of reported cases to the Philippine National Police (PNP) differs from number of cases served by the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), figures in both agencies have increased by more than 30%¹ from 2008 to 2009. Law enforcers and service providers are receiving complaints of domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment, prostitution and trafficking on a daily basis despite existing efforts and various strategies employed to raise public awareness and educate communities about VAW, its realities, and how they can be addressed. Moreover, as we move into the information age, new spaces are created for people to explore, thus creating new avenues for violence.

Developments in new information and communications technology have introduced new ways of dealing with our public and private lives. Individuals have found different means of communicating, expressing their opinion, and sharing and accessing information in a borderless world. This has brought about faster and more efficient exchanges between people and communities around the world.

Because of this, women are becoming more and more visible online. The internet provides them space for self expression, education, communication and networking while mobile phones have become an extension of their personal lives - providing speedy communication and convenient storage of personal and important messages or information.

All these spaces made available in the digital world are also becoming potential spaces for violence against women to occur. Cases, both reported and unreported, are slowly emerging and law enforcers are facing new challenges in appreciating and responding to these new forms of VAW in the Philippines. This article outlines some of these emergent forms of VAW in the digital sphere, in the hope of raising awareness nd engendering appropriate responses from all stakeholders.

Emerging Forms of E(electronic)VAW

The Foundation for Media Alternatives (FMA) in the Philippines conducted a series of round table and focus group discussions with various stakeholders composed of non-governmental organisations working on ICTs and issues related to violence against women and children; government agencies; as well as some sectoral groups representing youth, LGBTs and educators, entitled “E(electronic) VAW: Gender, Technology & Public Policy.” This initiative is part of a global project called “Take Back the Tech! To End Violence Against Women,” involving twelve-countries in South Africa, Latin America and Asia. The initiative was sponsored by the Association for Progressive Communication’s Women’s Networking Support Programme. The following were the different forms of EVAW identified during these discussions:

Take Back the Tech! To End Violence Against Women
Take Back the Tech! To End Violence Against Women is a global initiative that aims to provide safe spaces for women and girls online and offline. It identifies and employs strategic initiatives to address and respond to challenges brought by ICTs to women and address VAW.
Take Back the Tech! To End Violence Against Women establishes venues to discuss the intersections of VAW and ICTs and hopes to develop a reference paper and an action agenda that will highlight specific steps to take to address eVAW. It also provides capacity building sessions and develops ICT skills of women through Feminist Technology Exchange. Additionally, its Small Grants Program aims to provide initial funding for innovative and strategic ideas utilising ICTs to combat VAW and eVAW.
For information about activities and plans in the Philippines, contact the author at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Unauthorised recording, reproduction and distribution of videos and images

Cases of unauthorised recording, reproduction and distribution of videos and images are increasingly disturbing. Sex videos and compromising images of couples proliferate online and offline for various purposes. Many popular personalities are victims but even private individuals are not spared from these malicious and unacceptable practices that often target and affect women from different walks of life.

New tools and gadgets allow clandestine, fast, hassle-free, and inexpensive sharing of these recorded acts (authorised or not) for different reasons, such as harassment, to humiliate and scandalise particular women (or men), or for commercial purposes (i.e., the lucrative trade in sex videos). Because of these, women’s privacy is often violated and exploited by perpetrators and viewers alike.

Cyber/Mobile Harassment

The following is a typical story that can be found in today’s news: a relationship goes bad, and the couple breaks up; however, this is not where it ends as the woman’s ex-boyfriend uploads their intimate photos or videos on Facebook to take revenge and humiliate the woman for leaving him. Similar issues abound with women being threatened that intimate and compromising images of them will be uploaded, shared over the office network, or circulated through mobile phones; or a woman forced to do things she does not want, or a woman being publicly humiliated. In the same way, lesbians, gays bisexuals and transgenders often face homophobic attacks from individuals ridiculing and shaming them in various spaces online.

Moreover, lewd, threatening messages and pornographic images can be sent instantly to a woman to continuously harass her. In the Philippines, students are beginning to report such incidents to the Office of Anti-Sexual Harassment at the University of the Philippines. The unwelcome and unsolicited nature of such messages constitutes cyber sexual harassment. Sexual harassment, as it is defined in the law and the University’s policy, is any unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favours, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature that tends to create a hostile or offensive environment for a person. Such advances or acts committed through mobile phones, emails, or the internet can be considered cyber sexual harassment.

Emails or SMS (short message service, known more commonly in the Philippines as text) messages containing threats, warnings, and offensive language to humiliate and cast fear in women make up new forms of emotional abuse and result in psychological trauma. Atty. Claire Luczon, Director of WomenLEAD, an organisation providing legal services to women in the Philippines, emphasises that even lawyers and other service providers are not spared from receiving such messages from perpetrators. This affects the woman’s composure and resolve to continue with the case and seek justice. With this, technologies become powerful tools to convey damaging and destructive messages to women from their intimate partners and even strangers who want to exert power and control over the victim and to those who provide assistance and support to them.

Cyber Stalking

If in the past, stalking would require physically following a woman to see what she does and where she goes, new technologies have made stalking easier and more prevalent. Location racking is now a basic feature in mobile phone technologies, and many telecommunication companies go as far as providing location tracking as a service. Access to this kind of information – the actual location of any individual at any given time – therefore becomes a highly contested issue between users and service providers. Where and how does one draw the line between freedom and privacy?

This reality puts women in a more complex and precarious situation. For instance, a woman who is hiding from her partner after having escaped an abusive relationship may easily be found with the use of this technology. Additionally, confidential information given by a victim reporting an incident of abuse or seeking immediate help may be compromised because perpetrators can easily access mobile phones (SMS and voice) and internet logs (e.g. email). Moreover, the information found in these logs may likewise be used to blackmail victims and give grounds to file counter charges.

Cyber Prostitution and Trafficking

Though there are differing views and positions about prostitution and sexwork, developments in ICTs have paved the way to bigger, wider, cross border and syndicated prostitution and trafficking operations in the Philippines. Several news reports have exposed so-called “cybersex-dens” where organised cybersex trade is run by syndicated criminals. However, while this is true, there are also stories of individuals (mostly women and transgender people) who work “freelance” and do it in the comfort and safety of their own homes.

Accessible and cheap internet shops, affordable wireless connectivity, and the ubiquity of webcams and internet enable mobile devices to become the basic tools of this trade- proliferating in many different communities. The Philippine Coalition Against Child Trafficking relays alarming reports of a growing number of children frequenting internet shops “well-dressed” and suddenly able to afford expensive treats and gadgets. The National Bureau of Investigation recently raided a compound in Taguig City where trafficked women and children were locked in houses. Inside, women were forced to engage in cybersex, while children as young as 10 were taught how to model in front of webcams. In Cebu City in Central Philippines, stories abound of children brought to shops by elder siblings or even parents to pose/model while they engage in chat sessions, usually of a sexual nature, for money. In Davao City in Southern Philippines young professionals who have day jobs admit to doing “night shifts” in a nearby internet cafe. Many who engage in these forms of “sexwork” even use mobile phones and payments are made through mobile remittance/cash transfer or even pasa load².

The Philippines has long been grappling with the problem of prostitution and trafficking; however, with new technologies, operations have become more widespread and much more effective.

Online Pornography

Pornography is the most prevalent form of films and even live acts are made available through various media. Women, mostly minors, are the usual “come ons” for readers, viewers and website visitors. With new ICTs, the increasing numbers on pornographic materials featuring women and children in sexually explicit and degrading acts is troubling. With these new technologies, pornographic images are mass produced and easily distributed beyond borders.

ICT mediated VAW

Apart from VAW perpetrated by internet and mobile phone technology, there are VAW cases that use ICTs to facilitate commission of real life crimes. According to the police, solving such cases becomes more difficult because suspects usually use aliases and use different identities. Examples of these crimes are:

Rape and Sexual Assault by Text or Chatmates

As more and more Filipinos use SMS to communicate and connect with each other, it has also fast become a channel for self and, alarmingly, sexual expression. In some cases, these sexual expressions and explorations lead to violence and abuse. The Philippine National Police confirm reports of instances of rape committed by chat or text mates.

In Cebu and Davao, authorities have suspended airing of a radio program promoting on air SMS exchange to match individuals looking for partners. It was believed to have facilitated sexual assault cases in Davao and the death of a woman in Cebu who tried to resist rape by the so called textmate she met through the radio program. With available technology, such programmes become convenient avenues for criminals to meet and identify unsuspecting victims.

Online Gaming

Another area of concern that needs to be explored is the evolving culture of online gaming among the youth. Several online games feature very disturbing concepts about women. In strip poker, a player wins if he is able to completely undress the woman. This is one of many such games. For example, Grand Theft Auto is a video game that allows a player to earn additional points for raping or killing a prostitute. Many other games feature highly sexualised images of women, such as enlarged breasts and hips, thin waistlines, long curled lashes and pouting lips that convey stereotypical representations of women as sex objects.

This may not have direct bearing to real women, but what becomes of the player constantly exposed to these ideas and these forms of violence? This is something that may warrant further social and psychological studies that examine this phenomenon.

Gaps and challenges

Admittedly, developments in ICTs pose several gaps and challenges that require thorough examination by different stakeholders involved in addressing VAW.

There are awareness gaps among women ICT users and advocates about emerging forms that should be included and incorporated in various advocacy efforts and public information about VAW. Law enforcers, lawyers and judges encounter challenges in applying available laws to these new forms of violence and have limitations in recognising different electronic evidence to prove violation or commission of the crime. The need to review laws on VAW vis-a-vis these new forms of violence against women is evident to ensure that it is responsive to the new characteristics of crimes introduced by ICTs.

Indeed, challenges posed by these new technologies are tricky to address. The relative anonymity of users online allows criminals and perpetrators to walk away freely since the evidence to establish and prove the real and valid identification of perpetrators is crucial to a conviction. However, the retrieval of surveillance and data information from service providers to establish the identity of the criminal becomes a contentious point due gray areas of individual’s privacy rights enshrined in our the Philippine Constitution.

Opportunities

If developments in the ICTs introduce dangers and risks to women’s online security, privacy and safety, there are also ways in which it can protect and empower women as well as promote safe spaces online and offline. Various government and women’s NGOs have implemented online reporting of cases, providing counselling and referral services to different agencies. The use of SMS hotlines for help are employed by law enforcers, allowing them to immediately and effectively respond to cases.

Social networking sites are used and websites are developed to provide public information and raise awareness about VAW as well as to promote women’s rights. The internet and mobile phones connect women victims, survivors and service providers in the Philippines and around the world to offer mutual support and assistance. Online training and capacity building sessions are also made available to ensure women’s critical and strategic use of technology.

Lenlen Mesina is the current Coordinator of the Take Back the Tech! To End VAW in the Philippines. She has been an advocate for the advancement of women and women’s rights since 2000. She’s worked both on an individual and organizational capacity with different women’s groups for this cause and purpose.

Endnotes:
1 http://www.nscb.gov.ph/factsheet/pdf10/Women_Men_March2010.pdf
2 A form of payment constituting load credits for the mobile phone use.
3 Umali, Violeda. The Cyber Trafficking of Filipino Girl-children: Weaknesses of Philippine Policies. Asian Women 2005. Vol 20. Pp 175-206