A governance of marketability over 

Fundamentalisms impact on women’s lives and bodies in multiple ways. From direct control over women’s bodies, to the use of women as national symbols. Fundamentalists have a chameleon-like nature, being able to successfully manipulate the language of human rights and democracy in their attempts to find support among social movements though their real positions are antithetical to all those activists profess.

Trade in Mass Media Services: Another case of contending public and private spaces 

impetus for “progressive liberalisation1” in the trade in services has prompted a serious look at the impact of this policy on various services sectors. Among the sectors that women and feminists have decided to study is the audio-visual2 services sector. This paper aims to unpack the implications of various trade agreements under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) on women and, more importantly, on cultural transformation that promotes gender equality.

Instrumentalising the Women’s Agenda for Trade Liberalisation

IGTN calls for securing social reproduction, not markets. The WTO only follows the logic and language of the market and is blind to the demands of social reproduction. It restricts policy options into a “one size fits all” approach and institutionalises only one form of governance, one that is market-driven and managerial. In contrast, women demand a more socially-responsive governance at the global, regional, and national levels. Such governance is democratic, respectful of human rights, and recognises and balances the demands of both production and social reproduction in its economic policies and programs.

Thailand’s Working Class Women 

Introduction

Since the ‘70s Decade for Women, feminists from developing countries have sought to create a bottom-up empowerment approach to development that would break down existing class, culture, state, and gender structures. In a study of macroeconomic policies, Elson and Catagay (2000) support the call to put social needs back into international policy. They point out that the United Nations Development Programme named economic growth as a necessary but not sufficient condition for poverty elimination. The Thai case is a perfect example. Although women make up half of Thailand’s labour force, they have been incorporated in gendered roles in order to drive profits, such that “[t]he biggest revenue-earning establishments in Thailand…rely largely on poorly educated and low-skilled women workers” (Suriyasarn & Resurreccion, 2003, p. 27).

Local Actors in Global Politics 

The infrastructure of globalisation


Globalisation and the new information and communication technologies (ICTs) have enabled a variety of local activists and organisations to enter international arenas once exclusive to national states. Multiple types of claim-making and oppositional politics articulate these developments. Further, going global has been partly facilitated and conditioned by the infrastructure of the global economy, even as the latter is often the object of those oppositional politics.